Take It Back Movement’s August 5, 2026 ‘Festival of the Oppressed’: A Full Activity Report

Introduction

The Take It Back Movement on Wednesday, August 5, 2026, staged a nationwide protest tagged the “Festival of the Oppressed”, bringing citizens into the streets across different parts of Nigeria to protest worsening economic hardship, insecurity, hunger, unemployment, political repression and the shrinking of democratic space under the regime of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

The August 5 action was presented by TIB not simply as another street protest, but as a coordinated national mobilisation aimed at drawing attention to the grievances of Nigerians and demanding fundamental political, economic and social changes.

Major media organisations, including Channels Television, TheCable, The Guardian and Punch, independently reported protests in Abuja, Lagos and other parts of the country. TIB’s own social-media posts also documented activities in locations including Anambra and Abuja.

  1. The build-up to the protest

The August 5 mobilisation did not begin on the day of the protest. It followed weeks of public messaging, mobilisation and political advocacy by the Take It Back Movement.

In late July, the movement announced the planned nationwide demonstration, describing it as the “Festival of the Oppressed.” Its National Coordinator, Juwon Sanyaolu, said the action was intended to provide Nigerians with an avenue to express their frustrations over insecurity, economic hardship, hunger, repression and the state of democracy.

The movement specifically pointed to continuing insecurity in several parts of the country and the plight of Nigerians held in captivity by kidnappers and armed groups.

It also raised concerns about the rising cost of food, transportation and other essential goods, arguing that the economic situation had pushed millions of Nigerians deeper into hardship.

TIB also criticised the use of the Cybercrime Act against critics, activists and other citizens, arguing that democratic disagreement should not be criminalised.

Participants includes workers, students, farmers, market traders, professionals, journalists, artists and other Nigerians who felt excluded from decision-making.

  1. The “Festival of the Oppressed” demands

The movement published a broad set of demands ahead of the August 5 action.

Among the major demands were:

  • Immediate improvement of security and the rescue of Nigerians held captive by kidnappers and armed groups;
  • Release of political detainees;
  • Repeal of the Cybercrime Act;
  • Implementation of a ₦500,000 national minimum wage;
  • Measures to reduce the rising cost of living;
  • Withdrawal of criminal charges against Omoyele Sowore;
  • Release of Nnamdi Kanu;
  • An end to political persecution of activists and critics;
  • Removal of Femi Gbajabiamila as Chief of Staff to the President;
  • Removal of DSS Director-General Tosin Ajayi;
  • Protection of Nigeria’s sovereignty;
  • Action to protect Nigerians facing xenophobic attacks in South Africa; and
  • Greater accountability and responsiveness from government.

The movement’s demands therefore covered economic welfare, security, human rights, freedom of expression, political accountability and Nigeria’s foreign relations.

  1. Physical, Digital mobilisation and “People Power” campaign

In the days immediately preceding August 5, TIB intensified its online, and offline mobilisation. This included distribution of flyers, Tiktok, and X spaces.

On August 2, the movement promoted a “People Power Space”, inviting Nigerians to participate in an online session ahead of the August 5 mobilisation. Its social-media campaign also circulated a visual breakdown of the demands of the “Festival of the Oppressed” under the hashtags #FestivalOfTheOppressed, #August5 and #RevolutionNow. Over two thousand people listend live.

The movement used its social-media platforms to provide updates on preparations and, on the day itself, to publish reports and videos from different locations. TIB’s public posts subsequently showed the action continuing in Abuja and Anambra, among other locations.

This digital mobilisation was significant because the protest was designed as a decentralised action, with state and local structures expected to mobilise citizens in their respective areas.

  1. Formal notification to the Nigeria Police Force

One of the most important preparatory steps came on August 4, a day before the protest. Through WCE & Co. Chambers, solicitors to the Take It Back Movement, the movement formally notified the Inspector-General of Police of their intention to hold a nationwide peaceful protest on August 5.

According to the letter, the demonstration was scheduled to begin simultaneously at 8:00 a.m. The notification specifically asked the police to:

  • Provide security for protesters;
  • Manage traffic;
  • Protect journalists and observers;
  • Protect members of the public;
  • Prevent criminal elements from infiltrating the demonstration; and
  • Maintain law and order.

The lawyers stressed that the notification was not an application for a police permit, but a formal notice intended to enable the police to make security and traffic arrangements.

They relied on Sections 39 and 40 of the 1999 Constitution, as well as relevant provisions of the Police Act, African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

They also cited the 2007 Court of Appeal judgment in Inspector-General of Police v. All Nigeria Peoples Party, arguing that citizens exercising their constitutional right to peaceful assembly do not require a police permit.

The letter was copied to police commissioners across the 36 states and the FCT, the National Security Adviser, DSS leadership, the National Human Rights Commission and the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, among others.

  1. Planned convergence points

The notification to the police listed a number of confirmed convergence points. They included:

  • Abuja: Berger Roundabout;
  • Benin City, Edo State: Ring Road;
  • Ibadan, Oyo State: Mokola Roundabout;
  • Lagos: Maryland;
  • Ilorin, Kwara State: Post Office;
  • Maiduguri, Borno State: No. 26, Network of Human Rights Group Road, Bypass;
  • Niger State: Gidan Matasa, Okada Road, Bosso.

The movement also stated that participants in states not specifically listed would assemble peacefully at appropriate locations within their respective states.

  1. Legal support for protesters

Another element of the preparation was the mobilisation of legal support.

The Lawyers in Defence of Democracy Initiative (LIDD) announced that it would deploy lawyers to protest locations to provide legal assistance and monitor the protection of protesters’ rights.

The group said its members would work alongside the Take It Back Movement’s Legal Aid Department and urged both protesters and security agencies to act within the law.

This legal-support arrangement became particularly important in view of previous experiences involving arrests, harassment and clashes between protesters and security agencies during demonstrations in Nigeria.

  1. August 5: The protest begins

On the morning of Wednesday, August 5, protesters began assembling in different parts of Nigeria. The demonstrations were conducted under the banner of the Festival of the Oppressed, with protesters carrying placards and chanting solidarity songs.

Among the messages displayed were:

«“Nigeria is bleeding”»

«“Rescue our people now”»

«“Free all political prisoners”»

«“No to xenophobia”»

«“Revolution is the answer”»

TIB’s own online updates also showed activities taking place in Anambra, Ibadan, Lagos, Abia, Kwara, Edo, Abuja etc. A participant’s mobilisation message identified Noble Hotel in Awka as a meeting point for the Anambra action.

  1. Abuja: Sowore joins protesters

Abuja became one of the principal centres of the August 5 mobilisation. Omoyele Sowore joined young protesters participating in the demonstration.

The protesters marched with placards addressing insecurity, political repression, economic hardship and the treatment of political opponents.

Speaking to journalists, Sowore described the protest as a reminder that a revolution was necessary and imminent. He reiterated the demand for a ₦500,000 minimum wage, the release of Nnamdi Kanu and an end to criminal proceedings against activists and Nigerians prosecuted over criticism of government.

He also declared:

«“Tinubu must go!”»

Sowore further said similar actions were taking place in Lagos, Ibadan, Port Harcourt and other locations. He described the August 5 action as the beginning of a wider series of activities rather than an isolated protest.

TIB subsequently reported on its social-media platforms that Abuja was witnessing the ongoing Festival of the Oppressed action, while Sowore later described the Abuja mobilisation as an occasion where protesters repeatedly chanted “Tinubu Must Go.”

  1. Abuja and the emergence of counter-protesters

The Abuja demonstration also witnessed the presence of people carrying messages supportive of President Tinubu.

Social-media reports and videos circulated showing what appeared to be a counter-protest taking place alongside the TIB demonstration. The counter-protesters were sponsored by security agencies

  1. Lagos: Protest disrupted at Maryland

The most serious confrontation documented during the August 5 action occurred in Lagos. TIB protesters converged at Maryland, the designated Lagos meeting point.

The demonstration initially began peacefully, with protesters singing, chanting slogans and carrying placards. The situation later deteriorated as hoodlums moved against the protesters, forcing protesters, journalists and other participants to flee in the presence of the police. Security operatives used tear gas to disperse the protesters in Maryland.

  1. TIB’s account of the Lagos attack

Protesters were attacked despite the heavy presence of police personnel at Maryland alongside people wearing clothing associated, in his description, with APC/NURTW.

TIB subsequently stated on its social-media platform that “APC thugs, backed by the Lagos Police” had attacked peaceful protesters and that protesters were reconvening to continue the action.

The movement also published images it said showed injured protesters and journalists following the incident. Multiple news reports confirmed the disruption and tear-gassing.

  1. Police justification

The police failed to stop the attackers. Several reports confirmed that.

  1. Injuries and disruption

Some protesters were injured during the Lagos action. The movement also reported that journalists were among those affected. The images released by the movement were presented as evidence of injuries suffered during the confrontation. Tear gas was used and protesters were forced to scatter from the Maryland area.

  1. Other locations and nationwide character

Although Abuja and Lagos received the greatest national media attention, the protest was not limited to those two cities.

The original police notification listed convergence points in Abuja, Benin City, Ibadan, Lagos, Ilorin, Maiduguri and Niger State.

TIB’s own social-media updates subsequently documented actions in Anambra and Abuja.

The August 5 action had a multi-state and decentralised character, with simultaneous or near-simultaneous activities reported from several parts of the country.

  1. The central message: hardship, insecurity and democratic rights

Across the different locations, the demonstrations returned repeatedly to three broad themes:

  • Economic hardship

Protesters demanded urgent measures to address the rising cost of living and called for a ₦500,000 national minimum wage.

  • Insecurity

The movement demanded the rescue of Nigerians held by kidnappers and armed groups and criticised the government over continuing attacks and abductions.

  • Democratic freedoms

TIB argued that Nigerians should be able to criticise their government without facing prosecution, harassment or detention.

This was reflected in demands for the repeal of the Cybercrime Act, release of political detainees and withdrawal of charges against activists.

These demands had already been publicly articulated before the protest and were repeated during the demonstrations.

  1. The Nnamdi Kanu demand

One issue that became prominent during the Abuja protest was the demand for the release of Nnamdi Kanu. Sowore specifically called for Kanu’s release and described his detention as unjust and unlawful.

He also called for an end to what he described as the prosecution of activists and Nigerians who speak against bad governance.

The demand formed part of TIB’s broader argument that the Nigerian government should respect freedom of expression, political dissent and civil liberties.

  1. The ₦500,000 minimum wage demand

The demand for a ₦500,000 minimum wage was another major economic plank of the protest.

The movement argued that the existing wage structure was inadequate in the face of the cost of food, transport, housing, electricity, healthcare and other basic necessities. The issue featured prominently on protesters’ placards and in Sowore’s address in Abuja.

  1. Xenophobic attacks on Nigerians in South Africa

The August 5 mobilisation also contained an international dimension. TIB demanded urgent government action over the xenophobic attacks against Nigerians in South Africa.

Placards in Abuja included the message:

«“No to xenophobia.”»

The movement argued that the Nigerian government had a responsibility to protect Nigerians at home and abroad.


  1. The significance of August 5

The date itself carried symbolic importance for the organisers.

August 5 marked the anniversary of the launch of #RevolutionNow in 2019. Consequently, the 2026 mobilisation was simultaneously:

  1. A protest against contemporary economic and political conditions;
  2. A commemoration of the RevolutionNow movement;
  3. A demonstration of the continuing organisational capacity of the Take It Back Movement; and
  4. A renewed call for Nigerians to organise around economic, political and democratic grievances.
  5. From mobilisation to confrontation

The August 5 experience also demonstrated the difficult relationship between protest organisers and security authorities in Nigeria. The Take It Back Movement had formally notified the police in advance and explicitly asked the authorities to protect protesters and journalists.

Nevertheless, the Lagos demonstration ended in confrontation, with hoodlums attacking protesters and police using tear gas to disperse the gathering.

This became one of the central controversies surrounding the exercise.

  1. The response of the movement after the disruption

Rather than declaring the protest abandoned, TIB said protesters would continue to regroup and press their demands.

The movement maintained that the disruption did not eliminate the grievances that had brought citizens to the streets. Its legal-aid representatives also stated that the organisation would continue its activities and advocacy.

This position was consistent with Sowore’s declaration in Abuja that the August 5 action was only the beginning of a series of activities.

  1. Overall assessment of the August 5 mobilisation

The August 5, 2026 Festival of the Oppressed represented one of the Take It Back Movement’s major national mobilisation exercises in 2026.

Its preparation included:

  • Public announcement of the protest;
  • Nationwide digital mobilisation;
  • Publication of demands;
  • State-level coordination;
  • Designation of convergence points;
  • Formal notification of the Nigeria Police Force;
  • Engagement of lawyers and legal observers; and
  • Real-time reporting of activities through the movement’s social-media platforms.

Its execution featured:

  • Protest actions in multiple states;
  • Large gatherings;
  • Participation by Omoyele Sowore in Abuja;
  • Placard demonstrations and solidarity chants;
  • Calls for a ₦500,000 minimum wage;
  • Calls for the rescue of abducted Nigerians;
  • Calls for the release of political detainees;
  • Calls for the repeal of the Cybercrime Act;
  • Calls for Nnamdi Kanu’s release;
  • Calls for Tinubu’s resignation/exit;
  • Opposition to xenophobia against Nigerians in South Africa; and
  • Confrontations between protesters and security forces, particularly in Lagos.
  1. Labour adopts ₦500,000 minimum wage demand, renews call for fuel subsidy

The demand for a ₦500,000 national minimum wage, prominently championed by the Take It Back Movement during the August 5 Festival of the Oppressed, subsequently became a major subject of national debate. The demand gained wider political attention as Nigeria moves towards the 2027 general elections, with organised labour also pushing for improved wages and measures to reduce the pressure of the rising cost of living.

The demand was closely linked to TIB’s broader call for economic relief for Nigerian workers and citizens, particularly amid rising food, transportation, housing, healthcare and energy costs.

Another major economic issue raised during the August 5 mobilisation was the return of fuel subsidy, as protesters demanded measures that would bring down the cost of petrol and reduce the burden of transportation and other essential goods and services on Nigerians.

The two issues, ₦500,000 minimum wage and the return of fuel subsidy, subsequently became prominent points of public and political discussion, with political parties, labour organisations and other stakeholders increasingly addressing the economic hardship confronting Nigerians.

Conclusion

The August 5, 2026 Festival of the Oppressed was more than a one-day street demonstration. It was the culmination of a coordinated mobilisation by the Take It Back Movement built around economic hardship, insecurity, political accountability and the defence of civic freedoms.

The movement had publicly announced their demands, mobilised citizens online and offline, notified the police and designated convergence points before the exercise.

On the day, demonstrators appeared in several locations, with Abuja and Lagos emerging as the most prominently documented centres.

In Abuja, Sowore joined protesters and used the occasion to reiterate calls for a ₦500,000 minimum wage, the release of Nnamdi Kanu, an end to the prosecution of activists and the departure of President Tinubu.

In Lagos, however, the exercise was disrupted after clashes involving protesters, suspected hoodlums and security operatives. Tear gas was fired, protesters dispersed.

Ultimately, the August 5 mobilisation demonstrated that the grievances highlighted by the Take It Back Movement — insecurity, economic hardship, unemployment, political repression and concerns about shrinking civic space — remained central issues in Nigeria’s public discourse.

For TIB, however, the August 5 action was not presented as the conclusion of its campaign. Both the movement, through its National Coordinator, Juwon Sanyaolu and Omoyele Sowore described the mobilisation as part of a continuing struggle for what they called a new political and social order in Nigeria.

The Festival of the Oppressed, therefore, served both as a protest against present conditions and as a renewed organisational statement by the Take It Back Movement that it intends to continue mobilising Nigerians around its demands.

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